IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


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PhotogiBphic 

Sciences 

Corporation 


33  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  14580 

(716)873-4303 


CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHM/ICIVIH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Institute  for  Historical  Microreproductions  /  Institut  Canadian  de  microrpproductions  historiques 


Tachnical  and  Bibliographic  Notas/Notaa  tachniques  at  bibliographiquaa 


Tha  Inatituta  haa  attamptad  to  obtain  tha  baat 
original  copy  avallabia  for  filming.  Faaturaa  of  thia 
copy  which  may  ba  bibiiographically  uniqua, 
which  may  altar  aiiy  of  tha  Imagaa  in  tha 
raproduction,  or  which  may  significantly  changa 
tha  usual  mathod  of  filming,  ara  chacicad  balow. 


D 


D 


D 


D 
D 


n 


D 


Colourad  covars/ 
Couvartura  da  coulaur 


I     I   Covars  damagad/ 


Couvartura  andommagAa 


Covars  rastorad  and/or  laminatad/ 
Couvartura  rastaurte  at/ou  palliculAa 


□   Covar  title  missing/ 
La 


titra  da  couvartura  manqua 


r~|   Colourad  maps/ 


Cartas  gtegraphiquas  an  coulaur 

Colourad  ink  (i.a.  othar  than  biua  or  black)/ 
Encra  da  coulaur  (i.a.  autra  qua  blaua  ou  noira) 


I     I   Colourad  platas  and/or  illustrations/ 


Planchas  at/ou  illustrations  an  coulaur 


Bound  with  othar  matarial/ 
Rali4  avac  d'autras  documanttf 


Tight  binding  may  causa  shadows  or  distortion 
along  intarior  margin/ 

La  raliura  sarrAe  paut  causar  da  I'ombra  ou  da  la 
distortion  la  long  da  la  marga  IntAriaura 

Blank  laavas  addad  during  rastoration  may 
appear  within  the  text.  Whenever  possible,  these 
have  been  omitted  from  filming/ 
II  se  peut  que  '^ertainas  pages  blanches  ajoutAes 
lors  d'une  restauration  apparaissant  dans  la  texte, 
mais.  lorsque  cela  Atait  possible,  ces  pages  n'ont 
pas  4t«  filmAas. 

Additional  comments:/ 
Commentaires  supplAmantairas: 


L'Institut  a  microfilm^  la  maillaur  exemplaire 
qu'ii  lui  a  At*  possible  de  se  procurer.  Les  details 
de  cet  exemplaire  qui  sont  peut-Atre  uniques  du 
point  de  vue  bibliographiqua,  qui  peuvent  modifier 
une  image  reproduite.  ou  qui  peuvent  exigtir  une 
modification  dans  la  mithoda  normala  de  fiimaga 
sont  indiquAs  ci-dessous. 


Th( 
to 


r~1   Coloured  pages/ 


D 


This  item  is  filmcH  at  the  reduction  ratio  checked  below/ 

Ce  document  est  film*  au  taux  de  reduction  indiqu*  ci-dessous. 


Pages  de  couleur 

Pages  damaged/ 
Pages  endommagtas 

Pages  restored  and/oi 

Pages  restaurtes  at/ou  pailiculAes 

Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxei 
Pages  dAcolorAes,  tachatAdS  ou  piqutes 

Pages  detached/ 
Pages  dAtachAes 

Showthrough/ 
Transparence 

Quality  of  prir 

Quality  inigala  de  I'lmpression 

Includes  supplementary  matarii 
Comprend  du  materiel  suppMmentaire 

Only  edition  availablo/ 
Seule  Mition  disponlble 


|~~|  Pages  damaged/ 

I — I  Pages  restored  and/or  laminated/ 

rT7|  Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxed/ 

I     I  Pages  detached/ 

rT7|  Showthrough/ 

I      I  Quality  of  print  varies/ 

I      I  Includes  supplementary  material/ 

r~|  Only  edition  availablo/ 


Th( 
poi 
of 
filr 


Ori 
bet 
thfl 
sio 
ot^ 
fin 
sio 
or  i 


Th< 
shi 
Tl^ 
wh 

Ma 
difl 
ant 
be( 
rigl 
req 
ms 


Pages  wholly  or  partially  obscured  by  errata 
slips,  tissues,  etc..  have  been  refilmed  to 
ensure  the  best  possible  image/ 
Les  pages  totalement  ou  partiellement 
obscurcies  par  un  feuiilet  d'errata,  une  pelure. 
etc.,  ont  AtA  filmAes  A  nouveau  de  fapon  i 
obtenir  la  meilieure  imaie  possible. 


10X 

14X 

18X 

22X 

26X 

30X 

J 

1 

12X                            16X                            aOX                            24X                            28X                            32X 

ails 

du 

tJifier 

une 

naga 


Tha  copy  filmad  hara  haa  baan  raproaucad  thank* 
to  tha  ganaroaity  of: 

Library  Division 

Provincial  Archives  of  British  Columbia 

4  . 
Tha  imagas  appaaring  hara  ara  tha  bast  quality 
possibia  conaidaring  tha  condition  and  lagibility 
of  tha  original  copy  and  in  kaaping  with  tha 
filming  «*  xitract  spacif ications. 


L'axamplaira  film*  fut  raproduit  grica  i  la 
ginArosit*  da: 

Library  Division 

Provincial  Archives  of  British  Colu'^  Na 

Las  imagas  suivantas  ont  At*  raproduitas  avac  la 
plus  grand  soin.  compta  tanu  da  la  condition  at 
da  la  nattatA  da  l'axamplaira  film*,  at  an 
conformity  avac  las  conditions  du  contrat  da 
filmaga. 


Original  copias  in  printad  papar  covars  ara  filmad 
baginning  with  tha  front  covar  and  anding  on 
tha  last  paga  with  a  printad  or  illustratad  impras- 
sion.  or  tha  back  covar  whan  appropriata.  All 
othar  original  capiat  ara  filmad  baginning  on  tha 
first  paga  with  a  printad  or  illustratad  impras- 
sion.  and  anding  on  tha  last  paga  with  a  printad 
or  illustratad  imprassion. 


Tha  last  recorded  frame  on  each  microfiche 
shall  contain  the  symbol  — ^  (meaning  "CON- 
TINUED "I.  or  the  symbol  Y  (meaning  "END"). 
whichever  applies. 


Les  exemplaira*  originaux  dont  la  couvartura  an 
papier  est  imprimie  sont  fiimte  en  commenpant 
par  la  premier  plat  at  en  terminant  soit  par  la 
darniire  paga  qui  comporta  une  ampreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration,  soit  par  la  second 
plat,  salon  le  cas.  Tous  las  autres  axemplairas 
originaux  sont  filmAs  en  commenpant  par  la 
premiere  paga  qui  comporta  una  ampreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration  at  en  terminant  par 
la  derniAre  paga  qui  comporta  une  telle 
empreinte. 

Un  des  symbols*  suivants  apparaitra  sur  la 
darniire  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  le 
cas:  le  symbols  ^^  signifie  "A  SUIVRE",  le 
symbols  V  signifie  "FIN  ". 


Maps,  plates,  charts,  etc.,  may  be  filmed  at 
different  reduction  ratios.  Those  too  large  to  be 
entirely  included  in  one  exposure  are  filmed 
beginning  in  the  upper  left  hand  corner,  left  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  frames  as 
required.  The  following  diagrams  illustrate  the 
method: 


Les  cartes,  planches,  tableaux,  etc.,  peuvent  fttre 
filmis  A  des  taux  de  reduction  diffirsnts. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  Atra 
reproduit  en  un  seul  clichA.  il  est  film*  A  partir 
da  Tangle  sup6rieur  gauche,  de  gauche  A  droite. 
et  de  haut  en  bas,  en  prenant  la  nombre 
d'imagas  nAcessaire.  Les  diagrammes  suivants 
illustrent  la  mAthode. 


irrata 
to 


palura, 
n  A 


n 

32X 


1 

2 

3 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

4f 


^ 


(2yyoxt/uvest 
C^Uectiorv 


11 


D 


SPEECH 


OP 


i   IK.  R.  TOOMBS,  OF  GEOEGU, 


•    .» 


ON  THE 


OREGON  QUESTION. 


Delivered  in  the  House  </  Rejjresentatives  U.  S.,  January  12, 1846, 


WASHINGTON: 
PRINTED  BY  J.  &  G.  S.  GIDEON. 

1846. 


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SPEECH 


I  .<  i. 


"A   ." 


House  of  Rtpi-esenlalives  of  the  United  States,  January  I2th,  1646.— Tlie  Committee  of  the  Whole 
on  the  state  of  the  Union  having  under  consideration  n  resolution  reported'  by  the  Committee 
on  Foreign  Affairs,  entitled  "  A  resolution  of  notice  to  Great  Britain  to  annul  and  abrogate  the 
convention  between  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States,  of  August  tlie  6th,  1827,  relative  to  the 
country  on  the  northwest  coast  of  America,  westward  of  the  Stony  mountains,  commonly  called 
Oregon" —  .  . 

Mr.  TOOMBS  obtained  tlie  floor,  and  proceeded  to  address  the  commit- 
tee as  follows:  •  '  * 

Mr.  Chaiuman,  I  have  a  strong  opinion  in  favor  of  the  adoption  of  the 
leeolution  now  before  the  committee,  or  some  other  similar  in  its  character. 
•Intending  that  my  vote  upon  it  shall  be  the  true  record  of  my  opinions;  I 
liave  listened  attentively  to  the  debate,  hoping  to  be  instructed  by  it.  That 
opinion,  sir,  is  unshaken;  and  I  am  the  more  desirous  of  giving  the  reasons 
which  have  controlled  my  determination  upon  this  question ,  because  I  do 
not  wholly  agree  with  those  who  act  with  me  upon  it,  and  I  am  utterly  unwil- 
ling that  my  vote  shall  be  placed  upon  the  ground  chosen  for  me  by  the 
opponents  of  this  resolution.  The  two  important  questions  to  be  here  con' 
sidered  are:  1st.  What  rights  have  the  United  States  in  the  Oregon  territory; 
and  2dly.  Is  it  expedient  and  proper  to  begin  the  assertion  of  those 
rights  by  terminating  the  joint  convention  of  1827,  according  to  its  owir 
provisions.  It  has  suited  the  convenience  of  the  opponents  of  this  resolu- 
tion, to  maintain,  with  great  earnestness,  that  its  adoption  would  inevitably 
involve  this  country  in  a  war  with  Great  Britain.  WheUier  it  will  or  not, 
is  not  so  much  a  question  to  be  considered  by  us,  as  whether  it  would  give 
just  cause  of  war.  Being  satisfied  that  its  adoption  would  give  no  just  cause 
of  offence  to  any  nation,  and  that  it  is  necessary  and  proper,  for  the  main- 
tenance of  the  just  rights  of  the  country,  I  am  prepared  to  adopt  it.  Wars 
are  often,  indeed  most  usually,  produced  among  civilized  nations  by  the 
violation  of  treaty  stipulations;  the  simple  exercise  of  rights  and  powere  se- 
cured by  treaty ,  in  the  manner  pointed  out  by  the  treaty ,  is  a  new  cause  of  war, 
for  the  discovery  of  which  we  are  indebted  to  the  opponents  of  this  resolution . 
If  gentlemen  mean  only  to  aigue ,  that  measures  may  or  will  be  adopted ,  after 


i 


^^Ul^i'Hi 


< 


the  abrogation  of  this  convention,  which  will  endanger  the  peace  of  the 
country,  I  have  only  to  reply,  that  we  will  consider  them  when  they  shall 
be  presented.  It  is  tiue  that  it  has  not  been  alleged  that  the  passage  of 
this  resolution  will  give  just  cause  for  war,  but  it  has  been  argued,  and  in 
some  cases  assumed,  thci<  such  will  be  the  inevitable  consequence;  and 
lience  the  arguments  oti'ered  by  the  opponents  of  the  resolution  would  gen- 
erally have  been  equally  appropriate  u[X»n  a  resolution  declaring  war.  This 
direction , which  the  debate  has  been  adroitly  made  to  assume,  has  given  an 
advantage  to  the  opponents  of  this  resolution ,  to  which  their  position  does 
not  entill*.  them .  And  that  advantage  is  Uv  t  confined  to  this  Hall.  The 
newspapers,  those  potent  manufacturers  as  well  as  exponents  of  public  opin- 
ion ,  have  seconded  the  cry  raised  in  these  walls  for  peace ,  peace .  And 
tlieir  appeals  to  the  fears  and  pockets  of  the  people  are  not  unfrequendy 
mixed  up  with  denunciations  of  those  who  have  indicated  their  determina. 
tion  to  support  the  resolution,  and  in  that  way  to  begin  the  assertion  of  the 
rights  of  the  nation  in  Oiegoii,  rights  undisputed  in  this  Hall,  but  admitted 
on  all  sides  to  be  "  clear  and  unquestionable." 

I  am  prepared  to  yield  nothing  to  this  mode  of  treating  the  question.  I' 
too,  am  the  friend  of  peace — honorable  peace.  I  yield  to  none  in  deep  and 
heartfelt  appreciation  of  its  blessings.  Honorable  peace  is  the  mother  of  aU 
the  virtuous  hopes  of  humanity , of  progie8s,of  political  andsocial  truth , of  civ- 
ilization, of  true  national  greatness;  but  dishonorable  peace  is  "the  body  o^ 
death ,"  chained  to  the  national  character;  like  ''the  leprous  distillation  of  the 
fabled  Upas  tree,"  itsilendy  drops  its  deadly  poison  upon  the  nation's  heart 
and  withers  and  paralizes  it.  In  comparison  with  such  a  peace,  war,  with  its 
acknowledged  horrors,  would  be  a  national  blessing.  I  admit  it  to  be  the 
highest  duty  of  every  public  man,  by  all  proper  means,  to  preserve  honor- 
able peace.  What  is  honorable  peace?  As  some  gendemen  who  have 
preceded  me,  while  eloquently  eulogizing  the  blessings  of  peace,  have  been 
indifTerent  to  this  distincdon ,  and  have  not  troubled  the  House  with  any  ex- 
pression of  their  opinions  upon  this  distinction,  I  will  define  what  I  mean 
by  honorable  peace.  It  is  peace  maintained  without  the  surrender  of  any 
important  national  right,  by  observing  justice  and  practising  good  faith  ta 
all  nations;  within  these  limits  I  v.'il!  go  "as  far  as  he  that  goes  farthest.'* 
I  will  not  transcend  them.  I  shall  endeavor  to  govern  my  conduct  on  this 
floor  towards  all  nations  by  these  principles;  from  them  I  shall  not  be 
driven ,  either  by  clamour  from  within  or  clamour  from  without;  nor  yet 
by  the  oft-repeated  argument  of  the  tens  of  thousands  of  British  cannon^ 
riding  upon  their  ocean  homes,  upon  every  wave,  and  looking  out  their  suU 


I 


1> 


Yen  defiance  from  British  forts  iipon  every  continent  of  the  earth,  and  al- 
most every  isle  of  the  sea.  These  are  not  the  arguments  which  ought  to 
control  the  action  of  a  representative  of  the  American  people  on  this  floor. 

Sir,  the  time  has  been  when  inactivity  (on  this  question)  was  masterly, 
was  wisdom.  But  it  is  not  now.  That  day  has  passer^.  It  is,  perhaps, 
to  be  regretted  that  it  has  passed,  and  that  a  difl*erent  direction  had  not  been 
given  to  it.  It  is  deeply  to  be  regretted  that  a  grave  and  diflfieuU  ({uestion 
of  territorial  rights  should  have  been  dragged  into  the  arena  of  party  politics. 
The  nation  may  have  other  and  abundant  reasons  to  regret  the  conduct  of 
this  question.  But  my  business  is  not  now  with  the  past;  the  present  posi- 
tion of  the  question  must  be  the  basis  of  our  action  upon  it.  The  current 
of  events  has  brought  us  to  a  p  iint  where  we  must  act,  and  act  wisely  and 
promptly;  where,  if  we  cannot  advance  with  safety,  we  cannot  retreat  with 
honor  or  advantage  to  the  nation.  ''Masterly  activity,"  is  now  demanded 
by  the  crisis.  By  this  course  alone  can  we  retrieve  the  errors  of  the  past 
and  secure  siiccess  for  the  future.  What  shall  that  action  be?  Perhaps 
the  fate  of  a  magnificent  empire  may  depend  upon  your  answer.  But  it 
must  be  decided,  decided  now,  and  for  the  nation,  and  not  only  for  the  na- 
tion of  to-day,  but  for  the  nation  throughout  all  time,  for  future  ages  and 
unborn  millions.  Let  us,  then,  elevate  ourselves,  as  near  as  may  be,  to  the 
magnitude  of  the  question.  Let  us  pity,  (if  we  can  repress  the  uprising  of 
more  natural,  but  less  charitable  feelings,)  the  imbecile  attempt  which  has 
been  made  to  embitter  this  discussion  by  the  introduction  of  questions  of 
sectional  interest  a;nd  sectional  strife,  and  bring  whatever  of  virtue,  what- 
ever of  wisdom ,  whatever  of  knowledge,  whatever  of  patriotism,  we  may 
command,  to  its  consideration  find  decision.  Then,  whatever  may  be  the 
consequences  of  our  action  to  ourselves  or  the  country,  we  can  stand  erect, 
with  consciences  "void  of  offence  towards  God  and  towards  man." 

The  question  of  title  has  been  vaguely  and  unsatisfactorily  treated  of  in 
this  debate.  The  ''pre osure  from  without"  has  been  evidently  felt  and 
acknowledged  in  this  part  of  the  discussion.  A  manifest  disposition  to 
evade  it,  to  shun  it,  has  exhibited  itself  on  all  sides  of  the  House.  I  would 
content  myself,  if  I  believed  the  position  to  be  true,  with  the  general  acqui- 
escence in  the  goodness  of  our  title  to  54°  40'  north.  It  would  greatly 
strengthen  ray  position  on  the  second  proposition  I  have  laid  down  for  dis- 
cussion. I  prefer  waiving  that  advantage,  and  giving  my  own  opinions 
upon  the  title,  however  unpalatable  they  may  be  to  the  House  or  the  country. 
Our  title  to  the  whole  of  Oregon  has  certainly  not  been  denied  by  any  gentle- 
man who  has  preceded  me  in  this  debate.    Those  gentlemen  of  the  Demo^- 


I 


f 


cratic  party  who  have  spoken  in  favor  of  giving  this  notice,  have  generally 
affirmed  the  goodness  of  our  title  to  50°  40'  north,  but  have  contented  them- 
selves with  llie  evidence  of  that  fact  furnished  by  the  Baltimore  resolutions, 
and  the  President's  inaugural  speech,  without  further  inquiry.  Those  of 
the  same  party  who  oppose  the  notice,  perhaps  with  a  prudent  fear  of  sucIl 
high  authority ,  have  contented  themselves  with  the  expression  of  a  desire  to 
acquire  "all  Oregon,"  and  pointing  out  their  mode  of  consummating  that 
object,  without  the  expression  of  any  opinion  upon  the  present  rights  of  the 
country.  My  Whig  friends  who  oppose  the  notice,  have  also  shown  an  in- 
disposition to  encumber  their  position  with  any  expression  of  opinion  as  to 
title.  They  too  are  for  "all  Oregon,"  but  when  and  how  it  is  to  be  ob- 
tained is  left  in  convenient  ambiguity . 

Both  the  British  and  American  diplomatists  have  rather  directed  their  ar- 
guments each  against  the  title  of  his  adversary,  than  in  the  support  of  their 
own.  The  reason  of  this  may  be  found  in  the  fact  that  it  is  much  easier  to 
show  who  has  not  tiile  in  Oregon  than  who  has.  Test  the  title  of  both 
countries  by  the  principles  of  international  law,  and  both  are  exhibited  be- 
fore the  world  in  the  ridiculous  attitude  of  quarrelling  about  that  which  be- 
longs to  neither,  but  is  as  yet  the  common  property  of  mankind.  And  here 
lies  the  whole  difficulty  of  the  negotiation;  so  long  as  it  shall  be  regarded  as 
a  question  of  title,  an  amicable  adjustment  is  impossible. 

I  have  not  been  able  to  bring  my  mind  to  the  conclusion,  that  our  title  to 
the  whole,  or  any  part  of  Oregon,  is  either  '-clear  or  unquestionable."  And 
I  shall  proceed  to  give  briefly  the  facts  and  reasoning  upon  which  my  opin- 
ion is  founded.  The  facts  are  few,  and  not  obscure;  they  are  generally  ad- 
mitted by  the  advocates  of  both  sides  of  (he  question.  That  part  of  the 
northwest  coast  of  America  now  called  Oregon  was  undoubtedly  first  dis- 
covered by  the  Spaniards.  These  discoveries  began  with  Juan  de  Fuca,  in 
1592,  and  were  followed  by  other  Spanish  navigators,  at  diflferent  periods,, 
up  to  1774  and  1776,  when  the  whole  coast  was  carefully  explored  by  Pe- 
rez and  Haceta.  Spain  claimed  title  to  it  by  virtue  of  these  discoveries,  and 
performed  various  acts  of  "taking  possession,"  according  to  the  usages  of 
the  times,  long  before  this  coast  was  visited  by  the  navigators  of  any  other 
civilized  country.  This  claim  of  title,  not  being  acquiesced  in,  never  ripen- 
ed into  a  title  by  prescription,  and  it  was  inchoate  and  imperfect  until  com- 
pleted by  actual  "settlement."  "Settlement"  is  necessary  to  perfect  a  title 
by  discovery,  according  to  the  most  generally  received  authorities  upon  in- 
ernational  law .  And  the  principle  appears  to  me  to  be  a  sound  one.  It. 
is  founded  in  natural  equity.    That  which  has  no  owner,  natural  equityr 


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it  is  ag 

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tween 

occupti 

1789, 

i  hithert 
if  she  e 
tory. 
to  the 
by  the 
opinioi 
but  wi 
whole 

I  were ,  \ 
purcha 
month; 
title,  w 
Yet 
Spanis 

j  by  our 
of  Spii 
Colum 
OP.i  till 
b'le." 
to  mal^ 
The 
lumbia 
and  CI 
lumbia 

,  the  Sp 


generally 
sd  ihcin- 
solutions. 
rhose  of 
of  such, 
desire  to 
ting  that 
Its  of  the 
rn  an  in- 
ion  as  to 
to  be  ob- 

their  ar- 
t  of  their 

easier  to 
;  of  both 
ibited  be- 
ehich  be- 
A.nd  here 
yarded  aa 

ur  title  to 
e."  And 
my  opin- 
rally  ad- 
rt  of  the 
first  dis- 
Fuca,  ill 
,  periods,, 
I  by  Pe- 
rries, and 
usages  of 
my  other 
^er  ripen- 
ntil  com- 
ect  a  title 
upon  in- 
one.  It 
\\  equity: 


gives  to  him  who  first  takes,  retains,  and  uses  it.     Merc  discovery,  without 
occupation,  gives  no  perfect  rights,  either  by  the  law  of  nations  or  natural 
equity.     And  that  occupation  must  be  continued;  for,  after  abandonment, 
it  is  again  open  to  him  who  chooses  to  enter  and  occupy,  and  good  title  is 
thereby  acquired,  notwithstanding  the  first  discovery  and  occupation.     By 
applying  these  sound  and  obvious  principles  to  the  title  claimed  by  Spain, 
and  by  us  through  her,  its  defects  must  be  apparent  to  every  one.     Spain 
made  no  '^ settlement"  upon  any  part  of  the  northwest  coast  of  America  be- 
tween 42°  and  54°  40'  north .     It  is  true  that  she  resented  tlie  temporary 
occupation  of  a  trading  post  in  this  territory  by  Meares,  and  ousted  him  in 
1789,  and  continued  in  possession  of  that  post  ur  Ul  1795.     From  that  time 
hitherto  she  has  never  had  possession  of  an  inch  of  that  territory;  therefore,, 
if  she  ever  had  any  rights  there,  they  were  lost  by  her  abandonment  of  the  terri- 
tory.     This  was  the  state  of  her  title  in  1819,  when  she  gave  us  a  quit  claim 
to  the  country.     She  had  nothing  to  convey,  and  we  therefore  took  nothing 
by  the  conveyance.     I  am  warranted  in  the  conclusion ,  that  this  was  the 
opinion  of  our  Government  in  1818;  for,  at  that  time,  in  utter  contempt) 
but  with  fuli  knowledge,  of  the  claim  of  Spain,  we  offered  to  divide  the 
whole  country  with  Great  Britain.    And,  what  is  still  more  conclusive,  we 
were,  at  that  very  time ,  treating  with  Spain,  among  other  things,  for  the 
purchase  of  this  title,  and  did  actually  acquire  it,  by  treaty ,  within  four 
months  after  the  offer  was  made;  and  five  years  after  having  acquired  that 
title,  we  again  made  the  same  offer  to  Great  Britain. 
I      Yet  now  we  have  the  boldness  to  say,  in  the  face  of  these  facts,  that  this 
Spanish  title  is  "  clear  and  unquestionable."     This  is  the  ground  assumed 
by  our  Government,  for  we  do  not  pretend  to  have  any  other  title  but  that 
of  Spain  to  any  part  of  this  territory  north  of  the  country  drained  by  the 
Columbia  river.    And  it  has  been  said,  in  very  respectable  quarters,  that 
op.i  title  "  to  the  whole  of  Oregon"  (to  54°  40')  is  ''  clear  and  unquestiona- 
lile."     This  Spanish  title  will  require  the  endorsement  of  a  victorious  army 
to  make  it  available .     It  is  worthless  by  itself. 

The  American  claim  is  based  upon  the  entrance  of  Gray  into  the  Co- 
lumbia river,  the  explorations  of  the  main  branches  of  that  river  by  Lewis 
and  Clark,  and  the  settlement  at  Astoria.  Grey  did  not  discover  the  Co- 
lumbia river;  the  credit  of  that  achievement  is  acknowledged  to  belong  to 
the  Spantard  Haceta.  Exploration,  of  what  was  before  discovered,  is  not 
recognised  by  any  principle  of  international  law  as  a  means  of  acquiring  title. 
It  could,  in  no  event,  stand  on  a  better  foundation  than  discovery  without 
settlement.     The  settlement  at  Astoria  presonls  our  strongest  claim  to  the 


1/ 


B 

country  aflfected  by  it.  But  it  is  to  he  regretted  that  thid  claim  of  title  is 
not  free  from  diflicuhies.  Whether  the  establishment  of  a  trading  post  in  a 
country  unoccupied  by  civilized  man  is  sucli  a  ^'  settlement"  as  satisfies 
that  principle  of  international  law,  which  requires  actual  settlement  to  per- 
fect a  litle  by  discovery,  is  a  question,  upon  principle  and  authority,  more 
than  doubtful.  And  it  is  worthy  of  consideration,  admitting  that  such  a 
settlement  does  satisfy  that  principle — to  what  extent  of  territory  does  it  give 
good  title?  I  am  not  prepared  to  admit  that  it  confers  any  title  whatever. 
The  principles  upon  which  these  doctrines  of  international  law  are  based, 
aie  plain,  simple,  resisonable,  and  just.  The  earth  was  made  for  the  use 
of  man — whatever  portion  of  it  is  at  any  time  not  appropriated  to  his  use 
by  actual  occupancy,  or  municipal  law,  rightfully  belongs  to  him  who  first 
lakes,  uses,  and  subdues  it.  Such  a  settlement  does  not  satisfy  this  greai 
principle.  The  idea  that  the  building  of  a  hut,  for  the  temporary  protection 
of  trappers,  and  half  a  dozen  sheds  for  the  reception  of  the  skins  of  ani- 
mals, gives  title  to,  and  excludes  the  rest  of  the  human  race  from  a  country 
600  miles  s(juarc,is  a  mockery  of  the  coiimion  sense  of  mankind,  and  u 
libel  upon  the  goodness  and  the  providence  of  God.  Contiguity  is  the  only 
remaining  ground  of  American  title.  It  is  not  insisted  that  it  gives  a  per- 
fect right.  At  best,  it  is  an  interpolation  upon  the  international  code.  It 
means,  simply  that  the  territory  in  dispute  belongs  to  nobody,  but  that  it 
adjoins  some  that  we  own.  It  is  based  upon  the  idea  that  nobody  owns 
the  land.  So  all  other  titles  must  be  vacated  before  this  one  acquires  vi- 
tality. By  acknowledging  this  to  be  a  ground  of  tide,  Uie  country  would 
be  divided  between  this  country  and  England  by  the  49°  parallel  of  north 
latitude.  Such  is  our  title.  But,  defective  as  it  may  be,  it  is  still  better 
than  that  of  England.  It  is  unnecessary  to  dwell  upon  the  English  title. 
Every  defect  in  our  own  applies  with  equal  or  greater  force  to  that  of  Eng- 
land. She  has  not  even  a  decent  pretext,  laying  contiguity  out  of  the 
qeustion,  to  any  portion  of  the  country  drained  by  the  Columbia  river. 
Drake  came  after  Juan  de  Fuca;  he  may  have  seen  the  coast  at  about  48" 
north  latitude,  though  even  that  fact  is  disputed.  Cook's  voyage  to  that 
coast  was  in  177S,  more  than  two  years  after  the  explorations  of  Perex  and 
Haceta,  and  Vancouver  at  a  still  later  period.  She  therefore  never  had  any 
rights  by  discovery  on  the  coast.  McKenzie  explored  Frazier's  river,  and 
British  traders  established  a  trading  post  on  that  river. 

The  establishment  of  this  post  on  Frazier  s  river  is  obnoxious  to  the  same 
objections  which  have  already  been  urged  to  ours  at  Astoria.  It  confers  the 
same  rights  u]X)n  Great  Britain  lo  the  coimtry  washed  by  that  river,  as  ours 


f 


I 


im  of  tide  is 
ing  post  in  a 
"  ns  satisfies 
iinent  to  per- 
Ithority,  more 
that  sucli  a 
y  does  it  give 
|llc  whatever. 
w  are  based , 
|e  for  the  use 
cd  to  his  use 
»iiii  wlio  first 
sfy  this  great 
iry  protection  1 
skins  of  ani- 
on! a  country 
uikind,  and  a 
ty  is  the  only 
it  gives  a  per 
nal  code.     It 
y,  but  that  it 
nobody  owns 
3  acquires  vi- 
ountry  would 
allel  of  north 
is  still  better 
English  title, 
that  of  Eng- 
y  out  of  the 
umbia  river, 
at  about  48" 
•yage  to  that 
)f  Perex  and 
jver  had  any 
's  river,  and 


'J 


I 


■•I'll; 


I  to  the  same 
[t  confers  the 
iver,  as  ours 


at  Astoria  does  upon  the  United  States;  and,  evcluding  title  by  contiguity,  it 
is  tlie  sole  basis  of  British  title  to  any  portion  of  Oregon .  I  here  leave  the 
question  of  title. 

The  result  of  my  investigation  is,  that  Oregon  is,  as  yet,  unappropriated 
by  civilized  man ;  that  no  nation  iias,  as  yet,  acquired  a  good  title  to  any 
part  of  it.  We  have  much  stronger  pretensions  to  it  than  Cireat  Britain — 
both  by  the  number  and  quality  of  our  imperfect  titles.  Under  this  stale 
of  the  question ,  I  approve  the  action  of  the  President  in  oiTering  to  settle 
the  question  by  continuing  our  boundary,  un  the  49th  parallel,  to  the  Paci- 
fic. The  i|uestion  ought  to  be  treated  exclusively  as  one  of  boundary,  and 
settled  by  negotiation ,  and  settled  at  once.  England  has  no  right  to  de- 
mand, and  I  would  not  yield  by  negoiiation,  an  acre  south  of  49°.  What- 
ever may  be  our  title,  or  whatever  our  claims,  the  public  [nterest,  in  my 
opinion ,  demands  that  this  joint  convention  of  ISIS  should  be  terminated 
in  some  form .  If 

The  gentleman  from  South  Carolina  (IV^,.  Rhett)  argues  that  it  is  in- 
cumbent on  those  who  are  in  favor  of  giving  this  notice  to  show  what  harm 
the  convention  has  done ,  and  to  give  reasons  for  its  termination.  I  shall 
proceed  to  ofl'er  the  reasons  foi  giving  it  which  have  controlled  my  mind, 
though  1  do  not  admit  the  correctness  of  the  rule  laid  down  by  that  gentle- 
man. The  general  rule  is,  that  the  laws  and  ex«'lusive  dominion  of  every 
country  should  be  co-extensive  with  its  territorial  rights.  This  convention 
is  an  exception  to  this  rule;  and  it  is  the  duty  of  those  who  support  the  ex- 
•ception  to  show  sound  and  conclusive  reasons  for  it.  The  reasons  which 
induced  the  adoption  of  the  convention  have  ceased.  We  have  received  all 
the  benefit  from  it  which  it  is  capable  of  conferring.  It  is  prolific  of  evils 
in  the  future.  The  "imperium  in  imperio"  which  it  establishes  has 
hitherto  been  innocuous,  because  it  has  been  without  permanent  population 
to  act  upon.  Population  sets  its  evil  principles  in  action.  We  have  had 
this  convention  in  force  for  twenty-seven  years.  Under  it  we  have  not  ap- 
proximated nearer  a  peaceable  and  satisfactory  termination  of  the  controver- 
sy than  when  it  began.  If  England  has  advanced  somewhat  in  that  direc- 
tion, we  have  receded.  We  are  not  likely  to  lessen  our  demands  witli  in- 
creased and  increasing  power  to  support  our  pretensions.  If  it  is  continued 
twenty-seven  years  longer,  I  cannot  perceive  why  the  reasons  for  a  still  fur- 
tl#er  continuance  of  it  will  be  less  cogent  than  now.  And  the  history  of  the 
past  warrants  me  in  the  conclusion,  that  every  day's  delay  diminishes  the 
chances  of  a  peaceful  termination  of  the  controversy.  It  is  wise  in  the  Eng- 
lish Government  to  desire  the  continuance  of  this  convention,  but  not  in 


10 

cure.    In  1818  and  in  1827  neither  party  were  prepared  to  colonize,  to 
settle  the  country;  both  were  prepared  to  use  it,  to  hunt  over  it,  and  to 
trade  with  the  Indians.    The  usufruct  of  one  party  in  these  modes  was  not 
inconsistent  with  that  of  the  other.    This  is  not  now  the  case.    We  are 
now  pvepared  to  settle,  to  subdue,  to  cultivate  it.    England  is  not.     I  wish 
to  avail  ourselves  of  this  advantage.    Terminate  this  convention ,  and  our 
settlements  will  give  us  good  title.    Yes,  sir;  a  good  title  even  to  54°  40 
north,  if  they  shall  be  prior  in  time  to  those  of  other  nations,  and  sufficiently 
extensive.    But,  with  this  convention  in  force,  we  can  acquire  nothing  by 
our  settlements.     The  idea  of  the  gentleman  from  South  Carolina  (Mr. 
Rhett)  that    the    wave  of   population,  now    annually  rolling    on  to- 
wards the  Pacific  from  this  country,  furnishes  a  reason  for  the  continuance 
of  this  convention,  appears  to  my  mind  not  only  untenable,  but  that  fact 
has  struck  me  ks'a  strong  and  conclusive  reason  for  terminating  it.     The 
position  is  admitted  by  both  Governmenls,  that  no  act  of  either  party,  dur- 
ing the  continuance  of  the  convention,  can  in  any  way  affect  the  title.   You 
may  send  forth  to  Oregon  tens  of  thousands  of  your  countrymen,  subdue 
its  vast  forests,  improve  its  rivers  and  its  harboi"s,  cover  its  face  with  cultivat- 
ed   fields,  build  cities  and  towns,  palaces  and  cottages,  erect  temples  to> 
learning,  temples  to  justice,  and  sanctuaries  to  the  hving  God,  in  every  ten 
miles  square  of  its  territory,  and,  with  this  convention  in  force,  your  title 
will  be  just  what  it  was  in  1818.     You  would  thereby  increase  your  diffi- 
culties, produce  inevitable  conflicts,  embarrass  your  future  negotaitions  by 
the  introduction  of  new  elements  of  discord;  you  would  have  people  and" 
improvements  to  negotiate  about,  as  well  as  waste  land;  and  you  might 
increase  your  ability  to  hold  the  country  by  force  against  your  adversary; 
but  you  could  not  strengthen  your  title;  it  is  so  "nominated  in  the  bond,'" 
and  the  faith  of  the  nation  is  pledged  to  it.     I  would  strike  off  these  shack- 
les; I  would  place  the  country  in  a  position  to  pursue  whatever  policy  her 
honor  and  her  interest  might  demand,  untrammelled  by  the  now  useless 
and  injurious  fetters  imposed  by  this  joint  convention.     There  is  an  addi- 
tional reason,  growing  out  of  this  emigration  of  our  people  to  Oregon,  for 
giving  this  notice.     It  is  is  said  that  seven  thousand  of  them  are  already 
there;  they  had  a  right  to  go  there;  they  have  been  encouraged  to  do  so; 
they  demand  of  us  their  birthright,  the  benefit  of  our  laws,  the  full  benefit  of 
them;  the  demand  is  just;  we  ought  to  comply  with  it;  this  convention  prfe- 
vents  us  from  doing  so.     I  would,  therefOie,  put  an  end  to  it.     This  emi- 
gration would  increase  but  for  this  convention.     Oiu-  ixioplc  can  acquire  no 
property  in  the  soil ;  permanent  improvements  are  for  that  reason  discour- 


! 


aged, 
ingtli 
he  ml 

ing  tl 
curitj 

Tl 

is,  ai 

who 

18  imi 

him. 

He 

deal 


t 


] 


lionize,  to 
it,  and  to 
Bs  was  not 
We  are 
I  wisir 
,  and  our 
o  54°  40r 
ufficiently 
othing  by 
ina  (Mr. 
on  to- 
tinuance 
that  fact 
it.     The 
»rty,  dur- 
le.   You 
, subdue 
cultivat- 
mples  tO' 
'Very  ten 
^our  title 
our  diffi- 
itions  by 
)ple  and" 
1  might 
^^ersary; 
bond,"" 
!  shack- 
icy  her 
useless 
1  addi- 
on,  for 
I  ready 

do  SO; 

»efit  of 
n  prfe. 
5  emi- 
ire  no 
'cour- 


11 

aged.  No  man  will  build  a  house  without  reasonable  expec*-^tion8  of  be- 
ing the  undisputed  master  of  the  door.  Under  the  existing  state  of  things,, 
he  may  be  compelled  to  abandon  his  home  or  his  country.  By  terminat- 
ing this  convention,  you  encourage  industry  and  emigration,  by  giving  se- 
curity to  property. 

The  notice  ought  also  to  be  given,  thut  we  may  know  what  the  country 
is,  and  where  it  is.  I  wish  to  know  where  to  place  this  god  Terminus, 
who  was  referred  to  by  the  gentleman  from  Missouri,  (Mr.  Bowlin.)  It 
is  important  to  the  peace  of  the  country ,  to  know  certainly  where  to  place 
him .  Our  American  god  Tenninus  is  somewhat  different  from  the  Roman . 
He  has  legs;  yes,  sir,  and  long  ones,  too:  and  he  is  likely  to  give  us  a  good 
deal  of  trouble.  Like  the  spirit  of  Democracy,  he  is  progressive  and  ag- 
giessive.  He  seems  to  claim  under  the  new  and  boundless  title  of  "mani- 
fest destiny."  He  follows  the  pioneer  and  the  h>inter,  and-  his  tracts  all 
point  outward;  he  never  retreats.  Wherever  he  YHak  a  pretension  of  claim, 
he  holds  his  title  to  be  ''clear  and  unquestionable."  Let  us  fix  his  location 
quickly  and  firmly,  or  this  war  of  opinion,  this  war  of  systems,  to  which 
gentlemen  have  referred ,  may  come  upon  us  before  we  are  ready  for  it. 
For  this  reason ,  too ,  I  would  give  the  notice.  I  prefer  that  it  should  be 
given  in  the  manner  pointed  out  in  the  resolution  of  my  friend  from  Ala- 
bama, (Mr.  HiLLiARD.)  I  would  give  the  President  this  discretion,  not  to 
embarrass  him  or  the  question,  not  to  evade  it  or  to  shun  its  responsibility, 
but  because,  in  my  judgment,  on  purely  public  considerations,  it  is  the  most 
proper,  if  not  the  only  proper,  mode  of  giving  it.  The  Constitution  con- 
fers upon  him  an  important  part  of  the  treaty-making  power.  In  all  trea- 
ties he  has  the  initiatory  part  to  perform.  He  appoints  and  controls  at  plea- 
sure our  foreign  ministers;  through  them  he,  and  he  alone,  is  fully  inform- 
ed of  the  disposition,  objects,  and  designs  of  other  Governments.  He  must 
therefore  be  the  bes^  jwdge  of  the  precise  time  when  it  is  most  expedient  to 
give  it.  If  he  should  ascertain,  for  instance,  that  giving  the  notice  would 
be  unjustly  seized  upon  as  a  pretext  for  war  by  Great  Britain,  he  ought  to 
withhold  it  until  notice  could  be  given  to  our  commerce  ufK)n  the  seas,  and 
until  adequate  forces  could  be  raised,  equipped,  and  advantageously  dis- 
posed for  the  national  defence.  It  is  not  an  extraordinary  discretion.  It  is 
simply  remitting  him  to  the  full  and  free  exercise  of  his  ordinary  constitu- 
tional powers.  It  is  a  responsibility  which  he  has  no  right  to  evade  or  to 
shun.  I  would  arm  him  with  his  full  constitutional  powers,  and  hold  him 
responsible  for  their  proper  exercise;  but  I  will  not  condemn  him  in  aU- 


12 


vance,and  I  trust  that  he  will  neither  give  me  or  the  country  any  just 
cause  of  complaint  in  the  manner  in  which  he  shall  discharge  this  duty. 

Joint  occupation  without  treaty  stipulations  does  not  necessarily  produce 
war.  We  had  that  state  of  things  on  our  northeastern  frontier  for  above  fifty 
years  without  war.  We  have  joint  and  even  adverse  occupation,  at  this  mo- 
ment, on  our  southwestern  frontier;  and  if  the  transactions  by  which  we 
extended  our  boundary  in  that  direction  does  not  produce  war,  we  have  no 
cause  to  fear  it  from  this  source.  The  giving  of  this  notice  has  no  neces- 
saiy  connection  with  the  question  of  war.  I  do  not  propose  to  give  it  be- 
cause I  believe  the  argument  k  exhausted,  and  the  question  must  be  sub- 
mitted to  the  arbitrament  of  arms.  Such  is  not  my  opinion.  Every  mode 
of  peaceful  settlement  will  still  be  open  to  both  parties.  And,  sir,  I  do  not 
hesitate  to  express  the  opinion,  that  the  question  ought  to  be  viewed  as  one 
of  boundary,  and  settled* by  negotiation,  or  in  any  other  honorable  way, 
rather  than  by  an  appealfio  arms.  But,  sir,  we  have  no  power  over  the 
question  of  negotiation;  we  cannot  control  it;  we  must  legislate  for  the 
country  as  we  find  it.  Our  negotiations  have  been  terminated  by  our  own 
Government,  fvnd  we  are  informed  by  the  President  that  ''the  extraordinary 
and  wholly  inadmissible  demands  of  the  British  Government,  and  the  re- 
jection of  the  propositions  made  in  deference  alone  lo  what  had  been  done 
by  (his)  predecessors,  and  the  implied  obligations  which  these  acts  seemed 
to  impose,  afford  satisfactory  evidence  that  no  compromise  which  the  United 
States  ought  to  accept  can  be  effected."  However  that  fact  may  be,  I 
think  it  is  fairly  to  be  inferred,  from  this  statement,  that  England  is  not 
likely  to  make  any  proposition  which  the  President  will  accept.  This  is 
the  state  of  facts  on  which  we  are  called  upon  to  act.  Shall  we  abandon 
the  rights  of  the  country  because  we  may  differ  with  the  President,  either 
as  to  the  extent  or  the  best  mode  of  acquiring  them  ?  I  trust  not,  sir. 
This  extraordinary  pretension  of  England  to  put  every  other  nation  upon 
the  strength  of  its  own  title,  and  to  claim  all  the  earth  to  which  no  other  na-, 
tion  can  show  a  good  title,  I  will  not  admit.  She  must  produce  that  will 
of  Adam  to  which  my  friend  from  Massachusetts  (Mr.  Winthrop)  face- 
tiously referred,  and  show  the  clause  making  her  his  residuary  legatee , 
before  I  will  even  consider  that  pretension .  America  ought  to  belong  to 
Americans,  and  if  we  but  do  our  duty  it  will  belong  to  them.  Terminate 
this  convention ,  pour  your  hardy,  adventurous  population  over  "all  Ore- 
gon," that  will  give  you  a  good  title  to  it;  then  call  upon  the  countiy  to  de- 
fend that  title,  and  no  power  on  earth  can  wrench  it  from  the  iron  grasp  of 
twenty  millions  of  freemen.     In  this  way  you  rightfully  acquire  all  Ore- 


ages] 
and 


I 


try  any  just 
lis  duty, 
i'y  produce 

above  fifty 
at  this  mo- 

which  we 
^^  have  no 

no  neces- 
give  it  he- 
ist be  sub- 
fc^ery  mode 

,  I  do  not 
ed  as  one 
ible  way, 

over  the 
te  for  the 
^  our  own 
aordinary 
»d  the  re- 
•een  d^Jne 
^  seemed 
le  United 
nay  be,  I 
id  is  not 

This  is 
abandon 
U,  either 
not,  sir. 
on  upon 
»iher  na- 
Ihat  will 
p)  face- 
legatee, 
long  to 
rminate 
11  Ore- 
y  to  de- 
^rasp  of 
II  Ore- 


I 


13 

gon ,  and  in  no  oiher.  By  pursuing  this  policy,  you  will  have  no  war  /or  it. 
England  will  not  fight  for  that  which  does  not  belong  to  her.  She  ha£^ 
something  to  risk  by  war  as  well  as  ourselves.  Her  people  have  wept  over 
its  horrors ;  they  now  feel  its  burthens .  She ,  too ,  doubtless  appreciates  the  bles- 
sings of  peace ;  the  civilized  world  desires  peace .  War  ought  never  to  be  sought  j 
it  is  one  of  the  greatest  of  national  calamities ;  even  when  necessary  for  the  de- 
fence of  the  highest  of  human  objects ,  (or  nationality , for  liberty ,  it  rarely  com- 
pensates the  generation  which  wages  it  successfully  for  its  terrible  sacrifices ;  yet 
it  cannot  always  be  avoided;  the  universal  judgment  of  mankind,  in  all 
ages,  and  in  every  country,  has  consigned  to  infamy  and  disgrace  those  men 
and  nations  who  have  refused  to  resist  aggression  or  defend  their  just  rights, 
even  by  the  sword,  when  necessary.  But  I  see  nothing  in  this  question 
now  which  renders  it  expedient  "to  prepare  the  heart  of  the  nation  for 
war."  Hence,  I  have  no  appeals  to  make  to  passion  or  patriotism.  I  leave 
eulogies  upon  the  prowess  of  my  countrymen,  and  denunciations  of  Great 
Britain ,  to  those  who  have  already  displayed  so  much  zeal  and  ability  in 
that  service;  but,  as  that  zeal  in  this  cause  has  been  so  often  and  so  point- 
edly rebuked,  here  and  elsewhere,  I  will  take  this  occasion  to  say,  that 
while  I  deem  the  extravagance  of  those  eulogies,  and  the  intensity  of 
those  denunciations,  inappropriate  to  this  place  and  this  occasion,  I  honor 
and  sympathise  with  the  feelings  which  prompt  them.  They  are  na- 
tional— American.  These  denunciations  are  but  the  utterance  of  the 
pent-up  recollections  of  unmeasurable  wrongs  to  humanity.  That  living 
dust  which  for  so  many  ages  was  trampled  under  foot  by  the  tyrants  of  the 
Old  World,  has  here  commingled  harmoniously  together.  It  has  assumed 
a  human  voice,  and  elevated  itself  to  property,  intelligence,  and  a  know- 
ledge of  its  rights.  It  has  achieved  the  glorious  victory  of  equality;  but  it 
has  neither  forgotten  its  oppressions  nor  its  oppressors.  It  is  this  human 
voice,  thus  elevated ,  stimulated  by  these  recollections  of  its  wrongs,  its 
sufferings,  and  its  deliverance,  which  is  ever  struggling,  not  only  within 
these  walls,  but  within  every  tenement  throughout  this  republic,  in  its  by- 
ways and  in  its  highways,  in  its  fields  and  its  forests,  to  hurl  back  across  the 
ocean  wave  its  stern  defiance  to  its  ancient  oppressors.  Let  it  bide  its 
time,  and  tliere  will  be  no  discord  in  these  tones  of  defiance. 

Yet,  notwithstanding  these  feelings,  the  nation  desires  peace.  I  know 
my  own  State  ardently  desires  it.  Peace  is  now  peculiarly  necessary  to 
her.  A  new  career  of  prosperity  is  now  opening  upon  her;  she  is  almost 
recovered  from  the  pecuniary  disasters  of  the  last  nine  years;  she  now 
fully  appreciates  the  importance  of  her  geographical  position,  and  her  un- 


^ 


I 


14 


rivalled  natural  advantages;  ber  agriculture  is  beginning  to  improve j  her 
^reat  mineral  wealth  is  now  understood,  and  capital  and  labor  has  already 
begun  its  development;  her  manufactures  are  prosperous >  and  rapidly  ex- 
tending themselves,  giving  new  and  profitable  markets  to  hitherto  unpro- 
ductive labor,  increased  activity  to  the  mechanic  arts,  and  additional  mar- 
kets to  her  agricultural  products;  her  internal  improvements,  judiciously  lo- 
cated, skilfully  and  profitably  managed,  have  already  nearly  connected  the 
Atlantic  with  the  navigable  waters  of  the  Mississippi.  Peace  is  indispen- 
sable to  the  speedy  development  and  fruition  of  these  advantages.  There- 
fore, peace,  honorable  peace,  is  the  highest  interest  and  most  earnest  wish 
of  my  native  State.  But  her  past  history  is  her  guaranty  that  she  will 
never  surrender  her  own  or  the  nation's  rights.  She  demands  at  the  hands 
of  her  representatives  that  those  rights  shall  be  maintained  temperately,  as 
becomes  a  just  people;  firmly,  as  becomes  a  brave  people.  And  if  this 
course  of  policy  should  be  made  the  pretext  of  unjust  war,  she  will  say, 
with  one  voice,  "Let  it  come,"  and  God  defend  the  right.  She  demands 
only  that  the  cause  shall  be  just  and  suflicient.  If  it  be  the  will  of  Great 
Britain  that  this  magnificent  empire,  to  which  she  has  no  just  claim,  reach- 
ing from  the  snow-capped  peaks  of  the  Stony  mountains  to  the  Pacific 
ocean ,  shall  be  consecrated  to  freedom  by  baptism  in  the  sweat  of  the  poor 
and  the  blood  of  the  brave,  Georgia  is  ready  to  contribute  her  portion  of 
the  sacrificial  oflfering;  and  through  weal  and  through  woe — throughout  the 
vicissitudes  of  a  third  conflict  with  our  powerful  and  haughty  adversary — I 
know  she  will  display  a  firmness  and  magnanimity  equal  to  the  occasion, 
and  as  prolonged  as  the  conflict.      •'  '^  ■    ^  .•       '- 


m 


i-7hi-t'>: 


,  J 


''    i 


I'll 


I «i ."  I    .'■;.  I  '_•"■'  '. 


V.  "U 


.Ml     »I.       / 


li   ■  ;v 


I  ,,     1  .    I  • 


i 


\  I 


mprove;  her 
has  already 
I  rapidly  ex- 
herto  impro- 
lilional  mar- 
iiciously  lo- 
n  nee  ted  the 
is  indispen- 
es.  There- 
earnest  wish 
lat  she  will 
it  the  hands 
iperately ,  as 
And  if  this 
le  will  say, 
he  demands 
rill  of  Great 
laim,  reach - 
the  Pacific 
of  the  poor 
;r  portion  of 
jughout  the 
Iversary — I 
ve  occasion , 


I 


i 


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u    t 


